Review of Kunapipi: A Study of an Australian Aboriginal Religious Cult. Ronald M. Berndt. F.W. Cheshire: Melbourne. 1951.
A Review Article by Rachel M. Ward (2011)
Introduction
If there ever was an anthropologist to study the centrality of fertility within Aboriginal society it would be Ronald M. Berndt. Ronald and his wife Catherine are memorialized within the field of Australian anthropology for their great contribution to global understanding of Aboriginal culture. Both prolific writers and savvy in the field, 50 years later their work is still the mainstay of contemporary research. The Kunapipi is especially reflective of their great personal involvement with the communities they studied. Written by Ronald Berndt in 1951, the Kunapipi is “truly first-hand work” and highly representative of “the confidence put in him by the natives” (Elkin 1951: xxiii). In order to write Kunapipi, the Berndt’s spent twelve months living alongside the Aboriginal communities, truly gaining first-hand insight and perspective into the most private realms of community life. For according to Professor A.P. Elkin, respected researcher and author of the Kunapipi’s introduction,
“Mr. and Mrs. Berndt on their part had proved their capacity to obtain the confidence of the Aborigines, to be admitted into the ‘inside’ life of the men and women respectively, and to work in the native language. These three qualifications are essential for a study of a subject so intimate as a religious cult with its many personal and social ramifications” (1951:xxiv).
Kunapipi is both the title of this 223-page volume and the name of the ceremony it so cleverly endeavors to illuminate. There are an inordinate number of ceremonies that are practiced in sacred Aboriginal contexts, and in fact the kunapipi is merely the second of a triadic series of related rituals (Berndt 1951:9), yet it is the sole exploratory topic in this compilation. Berndt demonstrated prudence and foresight in electing to converge focus on only one ceremony, for by featuring a specific ritual one can fully explore the extent of the inherent complexity of meaning that Aboriginal ritual incorporates. Furthermore, because of its regional pervasiveness across Arnhem Land, it is a highly important ceremony with overarching social and religious implications. Thus the kunapipi ceremony maintains great capacity for academic illumination, while serving as a captivating theme for both researchers and lay-readers alike.
Summary of content
The kunapipi ceremony and its mythological basis find foundation in the great “Fertility Mother,” most commonly referred to as “Kunapipi,” “Old Woman” or merely the “Mother,” who represents “the very earth itself, that from which living things came and on which they depended for sustenance” (Elkin 1951:xxvii). Accordingly, she “is the direct or indirect inspiration of all religious thought and activity” (Berndt 1951:xxvii) and “is the source of life in man and nature, both in the Dreamtime or creative past and now” (Elkin 1951:xxvii). She is often depicted with her two daughters, the “Wallwalak, Ka’lerika or Mungamunga,” who together, are “responsible for constant fertility of human beings and other natural species, and the continuing sequence of the seasons” (Berndt 1951: xxv).
The kunapipi ceremony is in many ways a direct, sacred reenactment of the actions of the Great Mother and her two daughters, and serves to explain the origination of many Aboriginal rites, such as the mysterious practice of subincision and ceremonial blood-letting (1951:36). In these regards, Berndt does an excellent job in illuminating the reader to the direct connection between myth and ritual (and does so through adeptly corroborating chapters, the “Mythological Basis of the Kunapipi” and the subsequent “Its Expression Through Ritual”). Most enlightening is that fact that Berndt is able to acutely demonstrate that each action and movement of ritual performance is closely choreographed to align with its mythological underpinnings. For instance, at one point in the ceremony the men throw fire sticks across the sky, representing the lightening sent over the two sister’s camp by ancestral being Julunggul (1951:46). Likewise, the two sister’s shouts and movements in an attempt to stop the great snake are what would later furnish the songs and dance of the kunapipi ceremony itself (1951:33). Importantly, “the myth is thought to express the intentions of the Ancestral Beings, who possess the power to carry them out; and this power is released (or brought to bear) by the sacred ritual” (1951:34).
It was of central importance to Berndt to focus on the variations and continuity of the kunapipi ritual and myth trans-regionally, in an effort to trace the cult back to its origin and source. This is not only an academic pursuit, but is given credence within Aboriginal culture itself, as the ancestral characters of the kunapipi myth assert that regional clans are connected by the ritual: “But although our languages are slightly different, we all share the same mareiin (rangaa totemic emblems), and all have the same ceremonies” (1951:24). In these regards, Berndt lays great emphasis on the fact that many of the rituals and correspondent symbological bases of the kunapipi ceremony are analogous across regions, such as the symbolic return to the mother’s uterus (ring place) and themes of emergence and rebirth (1951:14), as well as the highly symbolic practice of ceremonial intercourse that follows the ritual.
One of Berndt’s primary aims in writing this book was to evaluate the evolution of Aboriginal views and valuations of religion in a post-colonial and post-mission context (1951:11). From an informant-based perspective, he aims to address questions: “What does this cult mean to its postulants? Why does it exist? What do the people themselves believe that they are receiving from it?” (1951:xxv). In order to systematically explore these issues, Berndt divides the chapters by description of the ceremony (Chapter II), the “Mythological basis of the ceremony” (Chapter III) and “Its expression through ritual” (Chapter IV). He then expounds on the performative aspect of the kunapipi, such as related drawings (Chapter V), dreams (Chapter VI), and songs (Chapters VII, VIII, X, and XI). The first four chapters have been addressed in this section, and my subsequent analysis and critiques mainly rest in the latter Chapters (V-XI) which evaluate creative-interpretive aspects of the ritual. As I will explain, my critiques of the Kunapipi mainly rest in the lack of voice given to the ritual interlocutor and the disengaged mediums of ceremonial representation.
Analysis
In the majority of both Ronald and Catherine Berndt’s investigations, there is an overarching emphasis placed upon ceremonial songs (see also, Berndt 1950 and Berndt & Berndt 1968[1951]). In the Kunapipi, Berndt elucidates the preponderance of space allocated to the songs in the preface, contending that “their value lies in their substantiation of the cult’s doctrine, explaining its outward expression in ritual and in the use of ceremonial emblems and objects … [ensuring] that the original intent of the cult is not lost or radically misinterpreted.” I agree with Berndt that a “literal interpretation of these songs … and a brief commentary based on native interpretation” is a “method [that] makes available the maximum amount of data” (1951:xxix). It is true that an unadultered exposé of the songs provides a direct point of access to the nature of the ceremony, but not only are the expositions of the songs in these chapters overly semantic and academic (rendering it inaccessible and disengaging to lay readers), it’s overarching focus (four chapters in total) on song cycles may disregard equally important aspects of evaluation within the contexts of this ceremony. For what is the purpose of anthropology other than gaining insight into another culture within the strictures of Western dialectics (which must, by default, be reiterated in culturally disarticulated methods of representation — monographs, books, films, photographs, sound bytes, and so on)? In my opinion, the single most glaring deficit of Kunapipi is its lack of narrative and voice that is given to the actors as they are the people who are most well adept at clarifying this ceremony.
The only chapter in the book which does grant some semblance of voice to the interlocutor is that of Chapter VI (“Kunapipi Dreams”). In my opinion, this is the most effective chapter in that it is the only aspect of the book that employs the useful tool of narrative account. The effectiveness of the narrative in Chapter VI is a brief and satiating glimpse into informant viewpoint, as a ceremonial participant’s voice that is actually imparted verbatim. This is in stark contrast to the analytical tendencies that the Berndt’s so often perfunctorily revert to, such as the didactic printings of song cycles which constitute nearly 190 pages of this 223 page book.
Though Berndt’s main motivation is specifically that, to avoid descriptive interpretation wherever possible, he is disregarding one of the most effective, appealing and non-interpretive methods of anthropological writing: that of the narrative. For the narrative provides readers with a human face and resonate sentiments of a shared humanity through dialogue. Further, the dialogic provides the informant with a certain power when his words are not presented through a secondary, analytic, neutral voice, serving to further dehumanize both the individual and the writing. For instance, in the discussion of the defloration ceremony (1951:67–8), Berndt only distantly depicts the situation of the “shamed virgin.” Yet what does “shame” mean in these contexts? How does this contradict notions of the importance of fertility in ceremonial contexts? Instinctively, I could not help but feel how much value even a single line from an interview could have imparted to this page. It is obvious that the Berndt’s spent many years in undeniably close and intimate contact with the communities they studied, but often we are not granted that insider-perspective as based on their overly dehumanized and external standpoints that value the analytical over the human. If within the Kunapipi, Berndt is mainly concerned with people’s adjustment to ritual in a changing environment (1951:xxviii), his account would have been strengthened to give informant accounts of the ritual, and their associated emotions and responses, as this would provide both insight and participant-viewpoint, empowering our own personal understanding of the ritual and its social context. Further, by incorporating the narrative, Berndt would not be breaching his assiduous desire to avoid interpretive-bias in his work.
Narratives aside, Berndt does request the direct input of his informants though in manner that is generally “not the practice of these people.” He bequeaths them with “brown paper and coloured lumber crayons” in order to recreate sacred ceremonial context through drawing. Not only is drawing as an artistic endeavor rarely employed (especially in relation to ceremonial depictions), he admits that “the medium employed in these drawings was entirely foreign to the artist.” In his far-reaching efforts to avoid interpretation, he may have imposed a medium that is not at all representative of the true meaning of the ceremony (but highly informative nonetheless). Yet he may be mistaken when he contends that it is through these disarticulated drawings that “we may see with native’s eyes what the people as a group, through the individual artist, consider important in this respect” (1951:61). By disregarding local mediums for conveying meaning, informant accounts are metaphorically incarcerated in black and white stick drawings which, as Berndt admits, aren’t necessarily culturally relative.
These criticisms aside, I do lay great importance in the incorporation of various modes of representation (drawings, photographs, songs, etc.) within anthropological expositions. The Kunapipi certainly provides this and there is undeniable value in the juxtaposition of its drawings with photographs. In doing so, Berndt constructs a multilayered perspective, representing the ability to “make its subject matter personal, vivid and sympathetic” (1951:62). The value of this thoughtful compilation of mediums far outweighs any preceding criticisms, though may only serve to be strengthened by increased engagement with the narrative voice.
Conclusion
Like Berndt’s highly creative employment of men’s dreams of the ceremony (1951:81) to introduce a new vector of analysis in the context of his overarching purpose (to regionally tracing the kunapipi), one has to award great kudos to his effective and innovative use various mediums to convey the multilayered meaning of ritual. Berndt’s prudent choice to focus on only one ceremony allowed for a most detailed and insightful exploration of the permeating importance of ritual in everyday, trans-regional and adaptive contexts. The employment of a full-length exposé about a single ritual allowed for incredible insight into the multifaceted meaning of ritual in social, religious, and evolutionary milieus. In this way, it may be one of the first ethnographies that represents serious academic enquiry into the meaning of ritual in a substantiated effort to show that every element is symbolic and acted out within the most coordinated fashion. In doing so, it bestows Aboriginal culture with the analytical seriousness and benevolent depth it deserves.
In writing the Kunapipi, Berndt is foremost in explicating his desires for the return value of publishing such a work: “The only tangible recompense they may hope to receive is that readers will gain a greater insight into their religious faith, and through that knowledge will manifest a sympathetic and practical understanding and appreciation of Aboriginal problems” (1951:xxxi). In these regards, I believe he fully achieves his desires for a shared reciprocity, as he truly brings great insight and novel respect towards a culture that has historically faced inordinate prejudice.
Bibliography
Berndt, C. H. (1950). Women’s changing ceremonies in northern Australia. Sorbonne, France: Hermann.
Berndt, R.M. (1951). Kunapipi: A Study of an Australian Aboriginal Religious Cult. F.W. Cheshire: Melbourne.
Berndt, R.M. & C.H. Berndt (1968 [1951]). Sexual Behavior in Western Arnhem Land. New York: The Viking Fund.
Elkin, A.P. (1951). Introduction. In R.M. Berndt, Kunapipi: A Study of an Australian Aboriginal Religious Cult (pp. xv-xxiv). F.W. Cheshire: Melbourne.
Image credit: Berndt, Ronald M. “Subincision in A Non — Subincision Area.” American Imago 8, no. 2 (1951): 165–79. Accessed March 10, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/26301305.
Author
Rachel M. Ward, Australian National University, 2011
